The Supreme Court’s order last week halting same-sex marriages
in Utah was two sentences long. It was provisional and cryptic, and it
added nothing to the available information on where the Supreme Court
stands on the momentous question of whether there is a constitutional
right to same-sex marriage.
Utah’s
briefs were another matter. They were expansive, and they set out the
current arguments for denying gay and lesbian couples the right to
marry.
In
the trial court, the state had argued that restricting marriage to a
man and a woman would make heterosexual couples act more responsibly
when they had sex. In the Supreme Court, the state threw that
“responsible procreation” argument overboard in favor of one focused on
“optimal parenting.” By the time it filed its final brief on Jan. 6, the
state had introduced a fresh argument, drawn from the Supreme Court’s
decisions on affirmative action.
The state’s first argument,
made before Judge Robert J. Shelby of the Federal District Court in
Salt Lake City, was that “the traditional definition of marriage
reinforces responsible procreation.” The government benefits that come
with marriage, the state said, encourage opposite-sex couples to form
stable families “in which their planned, and especially unplanned,
biological children may be raised.”
Judge
Shelby agreed, saying the argument was true as far as it went.
Encouraging marriage would make it more likely that the children of
heterosexual couples would have parents who were married.
But
there was no reason, the judge went on, to think that allowing same-sex
couples to marry would change that. To the contrary. By forbidding gay
and lesbian couples to marry, he wrote, “the state reinforces a norm
that sexual activity may take place outside of marriage.”
In the Supreme Court, state officials changed tack and pressed a different argument, one built on a contested premise.
“A
substantial body of social science research confirms,” the brief said,
“that children generally fare best when reared by their two biological
parents in a loving, low-conflict marriage.”
Lawyers for the couples challenging Utah’s ban on same-sex marriage responded
that the assertion “is not true.” For evidence, they cited “the
scientific consensus of every national health care organization charged
with the welfare of children and adolescents,” and listed nine such
groups. The view of the groups, the challengers said, “based on a
significant and well-respected body of current research, is that
children and adolescents raised by same-sex parents, with all things
being equal, are as well-adjusted as children raised by opposite-sex
couples.”
Utah responded
that it would not be swayed by “politically correct trade
associations,” referring to, among others, the American Academy of
Pediatrics, the American Medical Association and the American
Psychiatric Association. “We are not ruled by experts,” the state’s
brief said.
As
with the argument about responsible procreation, it is possible to
accept the state’s position that it is best for children to be raised by
their biological parents and yet wonder how that would be more likely
to happen by denying gay and lesbian couples the right to marry. Utah
argued that the two things are linked.
“By
holding up and encouraging man-woman unions as the ‘preferred’
arrangement in which to raise children,” the state said, “the state can
increase the likelihood that any given child will in fact be raised in
such an arrangement.”
Judge
Shelby had rejected the argument as illogical and counterproductive.
Utah’s ban, he wrote, “does not make it any more likely that children
will be raised by opposite-sex couples.” But it certainly demeans and
humiliates the thousands of children being raised by same-sex couples in
the state, he said.
In the Supreme Court, Utah refined its argument.
“The
state does not contend that the individual parents in same-sex couples
are somehow ‘inferior’ as parents to the individual parents who are
involved in married, mother-father parenting,” the state said.
But,
drawing on Supreme Court decisions endorsing the value of diversity in
deciding who may attend public universities, the state now said it was
pursuing “gender diversity” in marriages. “Society has long recognized
that diversity in education brings a host of benefits to students,” the
brief said. “If that is true in education, why not in parenting?” The
Supreme Court did not take a position on Utah’s several shifting
arguments, saying only that it would stay Judge Shelby’s decision while
an appeals court considers the case. That will happen over the next
couple of months, and the state’s position may evolve further.
Or
perhaps it will return to the candor of Stanford E. Purser, a lawyer
with the state attorney general’s office. Judge Shelby asked him on Dec.
4 whether letting same-sex couples marry was of “any relevance at all”
to the state’s interests in encouraging opposite-sex couples to marry.
“It may end up that there is no difference,” Mr. Purser said. “It may end up that there is. We just simply don’t know.”
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