But in the two years since, the landscape has shifted as voters,
lawmakers and courts began recognizing same-sex marriage in places like
Maryland, Minnesota,
New Jersey and New Mexico and as the United States Supreme Court
declared parts of the federal Defense of Marriage Act unconstitutional.
In just the past few days, a federal judge struck down a ban on same-sex
marriage in Utah, home of the Mormon Church, and a federal appeals
court rejected a request to halt the marriages on Tuesday. A federal
judge in Ohio found that same-sex marriages should be recognized on
death certificates.
So suddenly Indiana, where lawmakers in the coming weeks are expected to
call for the second vote needed to put a ban before voters in the fall
elections, is now in a far more tense, unpredictable and closely watched
spot than anyone here had imagined — a test case in whether a state
will impose new limits on same-sex marriage in this fast-moving
political and legal environment.
“What happens in Indiana is critical,” said Brian Brown, president of the National Organization for Marriage,
which opposes same-sex marriage. He and other opponents hope the
outcome here will reveal that shifts in public sentiment over the last
few years are not as widespread as some may think.
Supporters of same-sex marriage, however, are pouring money and effort
into defeating the measure in Indiana, a possibility that seemed
unthinkable not long ago but one that advocates now insist is
conceivable. They say victory in a conservative place like Indiana would
be a turning point in a fight that has largely been waged in more
predictable, left-leaning states or in the courts. “That would send a
clear message to opponents of marriage equality that it’s time to be
done fighting this battle,” said Sarah Warbelow, state legislative
director of the Human Rights Campaign.
As lawmakers prepare to return for a new legislative session in January,
it is an especially awkward spot for Republicans, who dominate both
chambers of the General Assembly. With an election year ahead and the
risk of primaries in May, the issue is pitting socially conservative
groups, who are urging a constitutional ban, against sometime allies in
the state’s business community, who say a ban could cause Indiana
economic harm.
Few Republicans now seem eager to talk about the issue, and some
legislative aides said it was not entirely certain who would formally
file the legislation in January.
In a speech
to lawmakers last month, Representative Brian C. Bosma, the Republican
House speaker, ticked off a list of top priorities ahead, including
preschool education, road funding and business tax policy, before
adding, “And yes, while it’s not high on the agenda, we all know we have
to deal with whether Hoosiers should be entrusted with the important
decision of the marriage amendment.”
And Gov. Mike Pence, a conservative during his years in Congress, has
said he favors traditional marriage, but observers say he has not put
the current question of a constitutional ban at the center of his agenda
in recent months. His signature is not needed to send the matter to
voters in November if legislators approve it a second time.
To hear some Democrats tell it, many Republicans here would just as soon
see the issue fade away, as they ponder navigating between socially
conservative primary voters and a broader array of voters in a general
election.
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